Dörfler (2025) explains Russia’s invasion of Ukraine by showing how groupthink amplified loss-framed risk perceptions among Putin’s inner circle, making high-risk behavior more likely and frame reversal improbable. academic.oup.com/fpa/article-...

Choi (2025) finds that security alliances significantly reduce the likelihood of war, providing strong support for deterrence theory over the Steps-to-War perspective. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

Heimann and Kampf (2025) show that interpersonal diplomatic offenses such as degradation, unfriendliness, and marginalization disrupt relations between state representatives and call for their systematic study in IR. academic.oup.com/fpa/article-...

🚨NEW ARTICLE🚨 Girard and Wilhelm (2025) find Americans oppose data localization when framed as costly, with attitudes shaped more by ethnocentrism than geopolitics. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/... @alex-wilhelm.bsky.social @tylergirard.bsky.social

Asadzade (2025) shows, survey data from Iran before and during the 2024 Iran–Israel confrontation reveal a sharp rise in support for nuclear weapons, driven mainly by security concerns and deterrence needs. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

Do small states under hegemonic pressure always choose between balancing or bandwagoning? Pipoyan and Meibauer (2025) show that Armenia instead pursued a form of limited hedging shaped by Russian assertiveness and domestic ideas. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

Does leadership turnover in recipient states reduce arms orders from previous suppliers? Mehrl (2025) finds no empirical evidence that it does. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

🚨NEW ARTICLE🚨 Risse (2025) shows that democracies consistently support conventional arms control but back nuclear arms control only when resolutions are co-sponsored by other democracies. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

Choi (2025) finds strong empirical support for deterrence theory over Steps-to-War theory by showing that alliances significantly reduce the likelihood of war, the most destructive form of conflict. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

Heimann and Kampf (2025) examine how interpersonal diplomatic offenses, such as degradation and marginalization, disrupt state relations and call for integrating these micro-level interactions into International Relations theory. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

Imanishi (2025) shows that U.S. emergency aid increases not just with media volume, but especially when coverage is diverse in framing—revealing that “attention diversity” significantly shapes bureaucratic responsiveness. academic.oup.com/fpa/article-...

Jenichen and Deka (2025) show that focusing solely on religion—without accounting for class and gender—limits the effectiveness of FoRB advocacy, as illustrated by the Asia Bibi case in Pakistan. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

Flowers (2025) introduces the HEX dataset to analyze global espionage exposures, revealing that most accused spies were state personnel motivated by money across 483 cases from 1946 to 2010. academic.oup.com/fpa/article-...

Fracalossi de Moraes (2025) shows that perceived adjustment costs were key, APMs were seen as low-cost to abandon, while cluster munitions posed significant material burdens. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

LaSpisa and Mitchell (2025) find that democratic dyads are more prone to maritime conflict due to stronger domestic interests, executive constraints, and weaker territorial norms at sea. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

🚨NEW ARTICLE🚨 Zvobgo and Simmons (2025) show that most Americans still support ICC war crimes investigations, even when U.S. personnel are targeted, though national interest arguments can dampen this support. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

🚨NEW ARTICLE🚨 Attia (2025) shows that U.S. presidents with strong party support and high approval are more likely to lift sanctions, while congressional oversight makes termination less likely and slower. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

Cadier (2024) shows that populist governments politicize foreign policy by opposing predecessors and using external affairs to advance domestic battles, as illustrated by Poland’s case. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

Thiers (2024) shows that Evo Morales’s shifting emotions toward Chile help explain why Bolivia’s foreign policy oscillated between cooperation and escalation in their long-standing rivalry. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

Gloria (2025) shows that Duterte's foreign policy pivot toward China and away from the U.S. was shaped by a populist discourse of national victimhood, framing the Philippines as historically wronged and insecure in a shifting global order. academic.oup.com/fpa/article-...

Abbasov and Thies (2023) show that in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia, individuals with stronger pro-democracy attitudes are more likely to support a pro-Western foreign policy over alignment with Russia. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

How does the lack of intersectionality limit international religious freedom policies? academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

Cadier (2024) argues that populist governments politicize foreign policy by opposing predecessors, instrumentalizing diplomacy for domestic battles, and prioritizing internal political incentives over external strategic logic. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

Oestman and Passmore (2024) show that while leadership change often disrupts peacekeeping contributions, democracies maintain more consistent commitments due to institutional constraints and overlapping domestic preferences. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

How do publics respond to coercive vs. persuasive foreign messaging? Davies, Edney, and Williams (2025) find that even mild persuasive messages from China on UK nuclear investment backfired—security threat perceptions consistently fueled public resistance. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

Dörfler (2025) argues that Russia’s invasion of Ukraine was driven by groupthink and loss-framed risk amplification among Putin’s inner circle, consistent with prospect theory. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

🚨 New article🚨 Fracalossi de Moraes (2025) shows Brazil banned anti-personnel mines but not cluster munitions due to lower perceived military and economic adjustment costs. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

🚨 New article🚨 When do firms stay in sanctioned states during wartime? Phạm (2025) shows that firms with high economic vulnerability, especially in extractive sectors or with major assets, are less likely to exit Russia after sanctions. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

🚨 New article 🚨 Fritzler, Grøn, and Wivel (2025) show that these states shape international norms through processual leadership, especially by enabling deliberative spaces around the Responsibility to Protect. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

🚨 New article 🚨 Why do some U.S. protégés develop higher nuclear latency than others? Yang (2025) finds that initial U.S. backing helps build capacity, but becomes a constraint once a protégé nears weapons-ready status. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

What drives parliamentary support for military interventions in democracies? Vignoli and Baraldi (2024) show that left-wing governments secure higher parliamentary backing, and that inclusive, humanitarian missions face less opposition than strategic ones. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

What drives elected officials to engage with foreign security policy in democracies? Walter C. Ladwig III shows that in India’s Lok Sabha, electoral security, party affiliation, and social identity shape parliamentary attention—not just public salience. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

How can role theory help us understand the U.S.–Russia confrontation over Ukraine? Walker and Malici apply binary role theory to model how each superpower constructed its foreign policy identity from NATO expansion in 1994 to Russia’s 2022 invasion. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

Huang’s (2023) analysis shows that ASEAN’s consensus-building in the South China Sea compels China to institutionalize restraint, driven by identity and legitimacy concerns. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

🚨 New article🚨 How does China manage border disputes while maintaining its peaceful rise? Hou (2025) explores China's use of strategic deception—blending ambiguity, inducement, and limited coercion. academic.oup.com/fpa/article-...

🚨 New article🚨 Do economic sanctions affect sovereign credit ratings? Biglaiser, Lee & Lektzian’s 2025 study finds that sanctions raise borrowing costs and lower bond ratings in developing countries. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

🚨 New article🚨 How is diversity linked to credibility in foreign policy? Färber’s 2025 study finds that German foreign policy discourse frames equal representation as essential to being seen as a credible actor abroad. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

Do arms embargoes reduce violence against civilians? Jadoon & Early’s 2024 study finds that while embargoes aim to limit conflict, they may lead governments to increase civilian repression—unless alternative suppliers offset the restrictions. academic.oup.com/fpa/article-...

Do inducements improve the success of military threats? Kwon’s 2024 study finds that combining incentives with compellent threats increases the likelihood of conflict resolution. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

How do leaders’ emotions influence international rivalries? Thiers’ 2024 study examines Evo Morales’s changing emotional responses to Chile and their impact on Bolivia’s foreign policy behavior. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

How has election monitoring evolved over time? Yukawa & Sakamoto’s 2024 study uses text analysis of monitoring reports to show a shift toward broader scrutiny beyond just election day activities. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

Visceral reactions play a role in foreign policy decision-making. Houghton & Mendez’s 2023 study uses somatic marker theory to examine how internal sensations influenced key U.S. decisions from McKinley to Rice. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

How do citizens view efforts to protect civilians in conflict zones? Hatz & Hultman’s 2024 study finds broad support in Sweden, but concern about ties to extremist groups lowers backing for humanitarian policies. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

🚨 New article🚨 How did economic objectives shape Sweden’s feminist foreign policy? Bullock’s 2025 study examines how market feminism influenced programs focused on women’s entrepreneurship and public–private partnerships. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

🚨 New article🚨 How do superpowers shape foreign policy decision-making in conflicts? Walker & Malici’s 2025 study applies Binary Role Theory to analyze U.S.-Russia interactions leading up to and following the 2022 invasion of Ukraine. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

🚨 New article 🚨 How do policy objectives shape public support for political warfare? Levin & Musgrave’s 2025 study finds that U.S. audiences are more supportive of electoral interventions with humanitarian goals than those driven by economic or strategic interests academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...

Celebrating 20 years of FPA at #ISA2025! 🎉 Spotted some awesome FPA anniversary T-shirts at the reception last night. Thanks for celebrating with us! 🥂 #FPA20Years

Thanks to everyone who joined us at the FPA, II, ISP, ISQ, ISR, JOGSS, and OREIS reception at ISA Chicago 2025! Special thanks to FPA authors & reviewers. Great to connect with you all! #ISA2025

🌟 We’re excited to invite you to the FPA, II, ISP, ISQ, ISR, JOGSS, and OREIS reception at ISA Chicago 2025! 🌟 Join us on Sunday, March 2 from 7:30–8:30 pm. Authors and reviewers of FPA enjoy a complimentary drink 🍸, And yes, there will be food too!🍽️ We can’t wait to see you there! #ISA2025

How do states frame repression for international audiences? Villegas-Cruz’s 2025 study analyzes Chinese diplomatic messaging on Xinjiang, showing how narratives shift based on audience characteristics. academic.oup.com/fpa/article/...