China–Africa energy cooperation is rising in ambition, but sustained green growth in Africa depends on infrastructure, institutions and coordination beyond individual projects, write Xunpeng Shi and Muyi Yang.

Cambodia’s overlapping crises in 2025 tested Prime Minister Hun Manet’s approach to political succession, security and foreign policy, writes Chansambath Bong.

Policy reforms in the Philippines must focus on expediting economic transformation to move out of low-productivity sectors and help overcome shocks like Trump’s tariffs, writes Jesus Felipe.

The ill-defined Indo-Pacific formulation is hurting rather than helping the efforts of democracies attempting to promote a cooperative and peaceful regional order, writes Roberto Rabel.

A two-front assault on the Cambodian economy from US tariffs and Thai government attacks on Cambodian casinos and cyberoperations saw the nation’s political leaders engineer a border conflict to protect its illicit economy and their power, writes Will Brehm.

Pakistan’s renewed relevance in great power politics in 2025 came as the military consolidated its power and further eroded democratic institutions, writes Imtiaz Gul.

While Singapore withstood considerable global economic pressures and experienced strong growth in 2025, social mobility gaps remain, writes Chang Yee Kwan.

Maritime security in the Indo-Pacific depends not only on technology but on established networks of cooperation and coordination between regional actors, write Eric Ang and Tita Sanglee.

Albanese’s ‘Australian straddle’ seeks balance between Washington and Beijing, but Trump’s return is shrinking room to manoeuvre, writes James Curran.

East Asia's leaders have resisted the turn to protectionism, but to sustain openness and build towards global public goods they will need to commit to a new vision of middle-power cooperation, writes our editorial board.

ASEAN can emerge as a key player in the global economy if Jakarta chooses to lead, writes Iman Pambagyo.

ASEAN may have weathered 2025’s economic and geopolitical shocks, but it must address its structural and strategic limitations to survive the challenges of tomorrow, writes Julia Tijaja.

Indonesia’s energy transition is faltering as coal price caps, procurement rules and weak incentives deter renewable investment, writes Fitri Ika Pradyasti.

The year 2026 will be a decisive one for constitutional reform in Fiji, writes William Waqavakatoga.

New Zealand's unique electoral system may prove as decisive as economic conditions in determining whether the first-term National Party-led government retains power, writes Lara Greaves.

Japan’s AI diplomacy in Central Asia prioritises institution-building over infrastructure, reshaping governance norms through quiet administrative integration, writes Timur Dadabaev.

Cambodia is quietly reshaping its development model through state-led digital and physical infrastructure, writes Kimhean Hok.

Security and geopolitical concerns drowned out the Solomon Islands’ most pressing issues in 2025 — political instability and economic pressures, writes Kerryn Baker.

Papua New Guinea’s democratic record remains intact at 50, despite familiar political and security pressures, writes Ronald J. May.

Wellington’s spent 2025 making the best of a historically unfavourable international environment, writes Jim Rolfe.

Mongolia–UK critical minerals cooperation risks prioritising resource and economic security at the expense of environmental and social governance, including the rights of nomadic herders, write Ariell Ahearn and Bayarsaikhan Namsrai.

Indonesia’s maritime neutrality depends on how it designates and manages access to its sea lanes, writes Pornomo Rovan Astri Yoga.

Indonesia’s free trade agreement with the European Union will cut tariffs, but real success will depend on whether Indonesian exporters can meet EU sustainability, traceability and rules of origin standards, writes Ichfan Ramadhan.

South Korean President Lee Jae-myung has shown pragmatic handling of a precarious international and domestic situation, positioning South Korea as a stabilising force in the region, writes our editorial board.

Lee Jae-myung enters 2026 after a strong year, but on increasingly fractured ground, writes Daniel Sneider.

Domestic job creation and inequality reduction should be central to South Korea’s economic policy in 2026, writes Sangin Park.

As South Korea develops its sovereign AI ecosystem, it must carefully navigate intensifying US–China competition in the region, writes Afeeya Akhand.

India’s new rural employment law offers greater fiscal predictability at the cost of higher household exposure to labour-market risk, write Deepanshu Mohan and Geetaali Malhotra.

The United States and China lack legitimacy in their quest to lead the Indo-Pacific regional order, but regional nations will not accept them without it, writes Il Hyun Cho.

The official response to those calling for accountability following a deadly fire in Hong Kong highlights the impacts of post-2019 crackdown on civil society, writes Stephan Ortmann.

TSMC’s move into Japan shows how industrial ecosystems and geopolitics are driving semiconductor production, writes Kenneth Reinert.

In 2025, Modi encountered growing friction with the United States alongside a strengthening domestic political position, writes Arun Swamy.

Takaichi’s popularity stems from her image as a decisive, novel leader aligned with the growing appeal of right-wing populism in Japan, writes Yu Uchiyama.

Southeast Asia’s competitiveness in the US market remains uncertain amid volatile US trade policy and shifting US–China dynamics, writes John Goyer.

China’s clean energy boom is outpacing the power grid reforms needed to sustain it, writes Sylvia Chan.

Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto governs through a closed, top-down style that has limited the flow of information reaching him, with implications for policy responsiveness, writes Jefferson Ng.

Mongolia heads into 2026 with stable policies but fragile leadership and rampant infighting within the Mongolian People’s Party, writes Julian Dierkes.

With the United States focusing inward on border control and domination of the Western hemisphere, US alles in Asia must turn to plurilateral strategies to preserve stability in the region, writes our editorial board.

Trump’s MAGA agenda elevates immigration control and domestic culture wars above strategic competition with China, writes Charles Miller.

Donald Trump’s shift from confrontation to engagement with China suggests that US public opinion may be bending the ruler, writes Ransom Miller.

Vietnam’s strategic choices will be constrained by internal military power dynamics and great power competition in 2026, writes Alexander L Vuving.

China’s foreign policy is driven more by domestic priorities than by the pursuit of global influence, write David Kang, Jackie Wong and Zenobia Chan.

The United States has turned its back on the WTO rules-based international trade system. APEC can help to defend it, while seizing many other opportunities for voluntary economic cooperation, writes Andrew Elek.

Japan’s New Mogami-class frigate, combined with deeper cooperation with Australia, could help New Zealand secure its maritime domain.

Indonesia’s nickel boom has delivered staggering economic gains, but the industry’s dependency on great powers may be its undoing, writes Berlin Syahputra Situmorang.

Myanmar’s junta-administered elections have revealed how ASEAN’s institutional constraints and lack of initiative are undermining its centrality in regional affairs, writes Myat Sandar Zaw.

Australia and India should pursue critical mineral partnerships with African governments to bolster supply chain resilience and advance shared economic interests, writes Trishala Sancheti.

The Marshall Islands’ new universal basic income program rests on Compact funding from the United States, blurring the line between sovereignty and dependency, writes Monique Taylor.

While the Asia Pacific region has woken up to a changed world order, Australia’s foreign policy discussions are stuck in the past, writes John Quiggin.

As the 2026 APEC chair, China has the opportunity to lead by example on an enhanced services and digital cooperation agenda that addresses the fragmented services trade in the Asia Pacific, write Christopher Findlay and Wenxiao Wang.